Whereas what corresponded to the Russian bourgeoisie, the Russian propertied classes generally, by virtue of their nature, their political interests, was a monarchy limited by a parliament elected on the basis of a property qualification, to the educated elements which headed the compromiser parties, to their interests and concepts, what corresponded best was a Constituent Assembly, which allows the petty-bourgeois intelligentsia to play a disproportionately big role, because, thanks to its glib tongue, it can come forward in parliament in the name of all the most ignorant and backward masses who cannot speak for themselves, and because, standing between the possessing and the laboring classes, it can play the part of compromiser, broker and mediator. It is reproduced here as the introduction to this work because it generalizes all the material which has now been printed in these volumes. That moment was a notable date in the history of the Red Army. Men did not want to fight, considering that war had been altogether consigned to the past: the peasants were seizing the land, the workers were building their organizations and taking over industry. Trotsky's extraordinary life and extensive writings have left an indelible mark on revolutionary conscience; and yet there was at one time a danger that his name would disappear altogether from history. The means for emancipating the working people is revolutionary violence. (ISBN: 9780861510214) from Amazon's Book Store. In the South, Denikin is striving with all his strength towards Tula and Moscow. While yesterday the one most highly esteemed was he who was able with the greatest selflessness to live clandestinely, he who renounced all personal interests and feelings, he who was capable at any moment of sacrificing his life, now these same qualities of the Russian revolutionary which we used to acclaim must find new application in all posts, however prosaic these may look from outside. The Party will create the Army, comrades; it will do everything to eradicate the prejudices of which I spoke, it will help us to replenish the cadres of the revolutionary army with militant and devoted workers and peasants, it will set its hand to the task of introducing compulsory military training in the factories and villages, and in this way will create a military apparatus for the defence of the Soviet Republic. For cavalry one needs Steppes, wide open spaces. In the political and directly military sense, the October revolution took place in an unexpectedly and unprecedentedly triumphal fashion. Small units of Communists ensured the carrying-out of this mobilization. How the Revolution Armed. So long as power was in the hands of the enemy class and the commanders were an instrument in the hands of that class, we had to endeavour, by means of the principle of election, to break the class resistance of the commanding personnel. If we do not grapple with this task, if we do not attract all the forces we need and enlist them in the Soviet service, the struggle we waged yesterday against sabotage will thereby be condemned to futility and fruitlessness. Out of Stock. The advantages of centralized organization and strategy over local improvisation, military separatism and federalism were revealed so quickly and vividly that today the basic principles of the building of the Red Army are beyond dispute. They were chosen from among the revolutionary workers, the Communists, and in part also, in the first period, the Left SRs (until July 1918). Nizhny-Novgorod was threatened. Our propaganda invariably united the Red Army, while disrupting the enemy’s forces, not by any special technical methods or procedures but by the Communist idea which constituted the content of this propaganda. From the very start we set about establishing a network of military training schools. Everywhere there must be advanced executants of all functions, all tasks, all the requirements of the Soviet Socialist Republic, and in doing their work they must show all their devotion, all their enthusiasm. Because of the whole social structure of Russia and because of the international situation in which we are living, we are, in the full sense of the word, invincible, despite all the difficulties, and even despite our own inadequacies, mistakes and blunders, about which I am going to speak. Within a few weeks the Red Army defending Petrograd had tripled in size and outnumbered Yudenich three to one. See also Лев Троцкий Leon Trotsky was a Bolshevik revolutionary and Marxist theorist. This blog contains a summary of Trotsky's History of the Russian Revolution. The February revolution revealed the basic relation of forces: first, the combination of all the property-owning and ruling classes, a combination headed by the Cadet Party, within which were dissolved all the contradictions, all the antagonisms between the different groups among the property-owners, precisely because the revolution posed sharply the root question of property as such, and thereby eliminated the differences among the property-owning classes. The Soviet Republic declared that it could not sign the enforced treaty, but neither would it fight, and issued an order for the Army to disband. Yes, there is a lot of this, there is a very great deal of this today! Of the old officer corps there remained with us either the more idealistic men, who understood or at least sensed the meaning of the new epoch (these were, of course, a very small minority), or the pen-pushers, inert, without initiative, men who lacked the energy to go over to the Whites: finally, there were not a few active counter-revolutionaries, whom events had caught unawares. Yesterday the mass-man was nobody, a slave to the Tsar, the nobles and the bureaucracy, an appendage to the manufacturer’s machine. We took Kazan on September 10, 1918, and recovered Simbirsk on the following day. Amazon.in - Buy How the Revolution Armed: 1919 v. 2: Military Writings and Speeches of Leon Trotsky book online at best prices in India on Amazon.in. The compromising groups constituted the second major camp in the revolution – politically much larger than corresponded to its real social strength (for reasons about which I shall now say a few words). By means of a few exemplary sentences the revolutionary tribunals warned everyone that the socialist fatherland, which was in mortal danger, required unconditional obedience from all. However, this advantage possessed by the counter-revolution – an advantage derived from backwardness – proved to be within the reach of the revolution, too, once it had grasped the significance of cavalry in a civil war of maneuver, and had set itself the task of creating a force of cavalry at whatever cost. The revolution was entirely based upon mobility, the bold stroke, and maneuvering. Hundreds and thousands of them fell at their posts as commissars. In this way the necessary centralization of the administration was achieved. In the first period of the revolution we had at our disposal the material legacy of the imperialist war. The Red Army was built under fire, and consequently, far from always in accordance with a definite plan, and often by way of rather disorderly improvisations. Transcribed and HTML markup for the Trotsky Internet Archive by David Walters * * * L ast autumn Voronezh was in danger. 15. From beyond the Volga they prepared to strike at Moscow. But the army did not want to fight. Leon Trotsky, along with Vladimir Lenin, was one of the leaders of the October Revolution of 1917, which brought the Bolsheviks to power in Russia. No. The majority in Vikzhel were Mensheviks and SRs, and so it maintained, both before and after October, a non-revolutionary, compromising attitude, endeavouring to preserve neutrality between the revolution and the counter-revolution, obstructing the movement of troops by the contending parties and holding up military supply-trains. They were, predominantly, the literate sons of peasant families of the kulak type. The old army had thrown up committees elected by the soldiers, and elected commanders who were actually subordinate to these committees. The armed conflict against internal counter-revolution began even … It should be the same in the Army. The role played by propaganda in the Red Army is widely known. Following the entirely false account in Deutscher’s Prophet Armed Monty Johnstone reproduces all the old nonsense that Trotsky’s views on the permanent revolution derived from Parvus, the famous German Social Democrat, whose slogan “No Tsar but a workers’ government”, Lenin criticised on a number of occasions. Volume 2: 1919 - How The Revolution Armed - The Southern Front: Denikin's Offensive. However, the bourgeois press of Europe patently misrepresents the matter when it depicts propaganda as some devilish invention of the Bolsheviks. Running on ahead somewhat, I must mention that certain of our own Party comrades are afraid that the Army may become an instrument or a focus for counter-revolutionary plots. Leon Trotsky $19.34. The revolution grew directly out of the war, and one of its most important slogans was for the ending of the war, which corresponded to the phenomenon of war-weariness and loathing for war. However, it must be appreciated that a considerable proportion of these had been drawn, in their time, from among the better-off sections in country and town. Click here for the lowest price! He who desires the end must desire the means. This sabotage, in so far as it was not a mere outcome of the panic inspired in the educated elements by the heavy hand of the working class which had taken power, in so far as it pursued a political aim, relied upon the approach of the Constituent Assembly, seen as its natural goal, as the new bridge whereby the possessing classes could return to power. Today that danger has reappeared. ‘Trotsky was a great decision maker. Leon Trotsky Returns from New York. While, as the working class, we, in Marx’s words, cannot simply take over the old state apparatus in a mechanical way, this does not at all mean that we can get by without any of those elements which entered into the composition of the old state apparatus. This item appears on. A centralized apparatus of political leadership and education was formed for the troops on the Volga front. But it was very important, given the possibility that existed for selecting elements which, though small in numbers, were decisive – elements whose significance proved so great in the most critical hours of the revolution. L. Trotskii-----Author: L. Trotskii Published Date: 01 Jan 1981 Publisher: Indexreach Ltd Language: Russian Format: Paperback| 431 pages ISBN10: 0861510143 File size: 15 Mb Dimension: 140x 200x 28mm| 498.95g Download Link: How the Revolution Armed 1920 v. 3 Military Writings and Speeches of Leon Trotsky----- An uyezd was a subdivision of a province, and a volost was the smallest administrative unit – a group of villages.] If such sweeping away of obstacles momentarily intensified the state of collapse, then all this must be made up for a hundred fold by the politically intense creative work in the economic field which the working class must get down to without delay once it had come to power. Since, however, more often than not, those who went into battle in that period were masses who handled a rifle for the first time when they entrained, those Red Army soldiers who had undergone a four-month course were frequently given command not merely of sections but also of platoons and even of companies. The selection and creation of commanding personnel involved a number of very great difficulties. We knew that if obstacles presented themselves on the path of this dictatorship, they must be swept away. He succeeded in organizing the Cossacks once more against the Soviets only simultaneously with the Czechoslovak revolt. When it proved necessary to draw into work all at once, tens of thousands of new skilled workers, it is not surprising if a lot of crooks managed to get through the interstices of the new regime. Direct and open civil war, together with the fight against sabotage, had to a certain extent distracted our attention from our fundamental, organic tasks in the spheres of the economy and of administration. This arousal of the most elementary instincts of the individual personality often has a crudely egoistic, or to use a philosophical term, an ‘egocentric’ character. Regiments, divisions and corps elected their deputies to the Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies, alongside the working class. The Fight for Petrograd THE BLOW STRUCK AT PETROGRAD Transcribed and HTML markup for the Trotsky Internet Archive by David Walters * * * A pack of bourgeois swine are rending the flesh of Soviet Russia from every direction. I decided I wanted to explore Trotsky. If we do not overcome them, the country will be wrecked in the very near future, for there is no-one to take our place. But, all the same, it is a malady, and we have to try and overcome it in the shortest possible time. On the fulfilment of this task depends the fate of our policy. It had carried out a social revolution within itself, casting aside the commanders from the landlord and bourgeois classes and establishing organs of revolutionary self-government, in the shape of the Soviets of Soldiers’ Deputies. This is to be explained by the circumstance that our revolution grew out of the war, and the war had mobilised and organised the most backward and ignorant masses of the peasantry, endowing them with military organization and so causing them to exercise, in the first phase of the revolution, a direct influence on the course of political events, before these masses had passed, under the leadership of the proletariat, through even the elementary school of politics. Short courses lasting a few months produced, in the main, not commanders but merely middling Red Army soldiers. In this social fact is rooted the final cause of our victories. What has happened in the Ukraine shows us that, if we are talking seriously about the defence of the Soviet Revolution by armed resistance, by war, we must cast aside all Left SR phrases about guerrilla risings, all ‘narrow circle’ measures: we must face the task of creating a regular Army. Permitting such propaganda in a Communist Party is like permitting Tolstoyan propaganda in the garrison of a besieged fortress. Democratisation does not at all consist this is elementary for every Marxist – in utterly denying the importance of skilled forces, of persons who possess special knowledge, but only in replacing them, wherever necessary, by elected boards, mainly as organs of supervision. During the Russian Revolution of 1917, he plotted a coup of the provisional government with Lenin and formed the Red Army, which defeated the anti-Bolshevik White Army in … On April 15 appeared the first issue of the newspaper Soldatskaya Pravda, the central organ of the organization. The tightening-up in the rear and auxiliary apparatus has been incomparably greater than in the combatant units. Without going here into the argument about the role to be played by cavalry, in general, in future wars, we can say that, in the past, it was backward countries that had the best cavalry: Russia, Poland, Hungary, and, still earlier, Sweden. On January 18, with the capture of Orenburg, Dutov’s basic nucleus was liquidated. Red Army uniforms from the Civil War period. Given the present regime in the Army – I say this here quite openly – the principle of election is politically purposeless and technically inexpedient, and it has been, in practice, abolished by decree. By February 14 the first courses had already begin in Petrograd, Moscow, Tver and Kazan. Trotsky armed all available workers, men and women, ordering the transfer of military forces from Moscow. An English translation was published in the American journal Class Struggle, 1919]. The Rada withdrew troops from the front, and at the beginning of January the Soviet Government was obliged to liquidate this pocket of resistance by force of arms. This ... the formation and crystallization of his distinctive and motivating idea—the permanent revolution— his long feud and final reconciliation with Lenin and Bolshevism, and his role in the October insurrection of 1917. This report was published separately as Trud, distsiplina, i potyadok spasut Sovetskuyu Respubliku (Work, discipline and order will save the Soviet Republic), Moscow 1918, by the publishing house Zhizn i Znanie (Life and Knowledge), as no.175 in their ‘low-cost library’. [12] And this fact, that the working class cannot simply take over the old machinery, found expression here in two forms: in the distrust shown by the mass of the workers and the Soviets towards the old government officials, and in the hatred shown by the old officialdom towards the new master, the working class. Trotsky rightly laid out the ways that Stalin and his clique had subverted the revolution. The Rada arrived at an agreement with the Provisional Government regarding autonomy for the Ukraine and began to form national units. [Trotsky quotes from this 1918 speech in his pamphlet, [Author of a number of sketches of Russian peasant life, Uspensky lived from 1843 to 1902. It is the misfortune of the working class that it has always occupied the position of an oppressed class. – is to be observed where certain wielders of Soviet power, elected by workers’ organizations, are concerned. The Rada refused to allow the Soviet echelons through to the Don, while not preventing the concentration of White shock-troops and Cossacks. The first period was thus a time of frightful squandering of the resources left over from the imperialist war. In connection with the Paris Commune, Marx wrote that when the working class comes to power it cannot automatically take over the old state apparatus: it must reconstruct this apparatus completely. The problems connected with the creation of the armed forces of the revolution are of immense importance for the Communist Parties of all countries. The almost complete defenselessness of the revolution was revealed at the time of the Brest-Litovsk negotiations. Now, with power in our hands, we, the representatives of the working class, must quite clearly and honestly review those internal sins and shortcomings of ours which constitute the greatest danger to the cause of socialist construction. The most important arm wielded by Denikin and Wrangel was the Cossacks, and, in general, the cavalry. 70. [13] And we were right to do so. But as the war grew in scope it increasingly called for proper organization and discipline. Electivity of commanders in the Tsarist army was a way of purging it of possible agents of restoration. This problem will undoubtedly play a big role in Western Europe, above all in France, where prejudices in favor of autonomism and federalism are stronger than anywhere else. The railway lines are now in our hands, but, comrades, this is not yet the end of the matter, or even half-way there, it is, perhaps, only one-tenth of the matter. In this respect we have had undoubted success during the last two years. 14. The armed resistance of the bourgeoisie was smashed in a very short time. The quickest possible overcoming of such prejudices, under the banner of revolutionary proletarian centralism, is a prerequisite for future victory over the bourgeoisie. Our analysis, which was confirmed in October, was called utopian. The Red Army was the military force of the Bolshevik regime and the Soviet republic. The whole significance of this consists in combating the old make-up of the officer corps and bringing the commanders under control. The chief voluntary administrations artfully concealed that little which they themselves knew about. That would be madness. It was the same with us. Toward the end of his History of the Russian Revolution, Trotsky wrote:. Stalin had played only a minor and peripheral part in the events of October 1917, despite later Soviet propaganda, and so set out to eliminate those who had. The revolution could not stop halfway and would be impelled to move toward socialist goals. ... Making War, Forging Revolution: Russia's Continuum of Crisis, 1914–1921. 1 1918. Free delivery on qualified orders. The main cause of the collapse of the Tsarist army was not the anti-militarism of the revolution, not the fact that the revolution rejected military defense as such, but solely the class structure of the old army itself, the fact that, while consisting mostly, of course, of peasants and workers, it had a ruling apparatus which was constructed, organized and educated so as to ensure that this army automatically served … This triumphal character of the October rising revealed the political weakness of the bourgeois classes, which had its roots in the peculiarities of the development of Russian capitalism. The Soviets – that is, the working class, organised in Soviets – threw out the Constituent Assembly, declaring that in the epoch of direct and immediate conflict between class forces only one class or another can rule, openly and solidly – that at this moment there can be either the dictatorship of capital and landownership or the dictatorship of the working class and the poorest peasantry. The Paris Commune was the first workers’ revolution, made by the proletariat of Paris on March 18th, 1871, when the bourgeoisie of France, having fought an unsuccessful war with Germany, wanted to surrender Paris to the Germans, so as to protect themselves from the revolutionary fury of the proletariat. But the working class elected its deputies within the framework of its natural places of work – the factories. Only a very narrow stratum of devoted proletarians consciously set about creating armed forces for the Soviet Republic. The Military Organization of our Party began in 1905 and played a considerable role in developing the revolutionary movement in the army. Today, liberated from all that, he becomes aware of himself as an individual personality for the first time, and starts to think that he is everything, that he is the centre of the universe. And it is here, comrades, that there arise before us those difficulties of a subjective kind which I mentioned, and which lie within the working class itself. Hence the flood of disorganising attitudes, individualistic, anarchistic, predatory tendencies which we observe especially in wide circles of the de-classed elements in our country, among the men of the former Army, and also in certain elements of the working class. Leon Trotsky—once a vocal critic of Lenin and the Bolshevik Party—joined the Bolsheviks in August 1917. Map, chronology, glossary of organizations, parties and periodicals, notes, index. HOW THE REVOLUTION ARMED Written: 1920. On the other hand, there have come in careerists, intriguers, yesterday’s failures, those who, under the old regime, were not good enough for the job. How the Revolution Armed: 1920 v. 3: Military Writings and Speeches of Leon Trotsky by L. Trotskii. Political collegiate control by the Soviets must be introduced every where, but for executive functions we must appoint technical specialists, putting them in responsible positions and imposing responsibility upon them. A very large percentage of our locomotives are out of action, while those that are in good shape are not moving along the rails as they should (the war has thrown everything into disorder). How the Revolution Armed: Military Writings and Speeches of Leon Trotsky: Trotskii, L., Pearce, B.: Amazon.sg: Books After the October Revolution the Corps wanted to ‘go home’, and the route chosen for their move was along the Trans-Siberian Railway and through Vladivostok.] But that did not stop us, for we knew and were profoundly confident, with a confidence that we drew from our entire analysis of historical events in Russia, that for us there was only one way out on to the main road of historical development, and this way out lay only through the dictatorship of the working class. The first task to be accomplished to this end is the replenishment of the cadres through universal training of the workers in the factories and of the poor peasants in the villages. We live in a world of violence, and we cannot avoid treating it politically. That was the reason why, in the first phase of the revolution, the SRs and Mensheviks set the all-determining imprint of their influence upon its development. And while the higher command was selected already in the first three or four years of the Red Army’s existence, where the lower levels of commanding personnel are concerned this cannot be said to have been fully accomplished even today. ], [Originally six military districts were formed: Yaroslavl, Moscow, Orel, Ural, Volga and Northern Commune (White Sea). Communist Leon Trotsky helped ignite the Russian Revolution of 1917, and built the Red Army afterward. [A Russian Christian sect who refused to perform military service. Our new regiments, created in the period of the spontaneous break-up of the old ones, were lacking in steadiness and not very reliable. This was a very risky step to take, but it followed from the circumstances of the time. I began by reading Isaac Duetscher's Prophet Armed, and then this book. How the Revolution Armed 1920 v. 3 Military Writings and Speeches of Leon Trotsky. ), and have also read a little Lenin (such as State and Revolution) for a political science college course, a long time ago. Since revolutionary enthusiasm seized hold of the army as a whole, the purely organizational role of the Bolshevik cells in the regiments was not particularly noticeable. How the Revolution Armed: The Military Writings and Speeches of Leon Trotsky Vol. The most urgent task for our Party is to ensure that the decree on universal compulsory military training in the factories, workshops, schools, etc., which was published a few days ago, is put into effect. Other detailed discussion of these questions in the military commission, the Congress adopted Comrade Trotsky’s theses. This danger, in so far as there is some justification for it, must compel us as a whole to direct our attention to the lower levels, to the rank-and-file soldiers of the Red Army. If we were the foremost in the revolutionary battle, as previously we were foremost in the underground work, and then foremost in conquering the posi tions of the enemy class, we must now, in every post that we occupy (I do not forget for one moment that we are now the ruling class), display the greatest conscientiousness, executive sense and creativity – in short, those qualities which are characteristic of a class of genuine builders of a new life. As an example, let us take the railways. Later, no small number of revolutionary commanders emerged from the ranks of the commissars. We needed them as representatives of their craft, as men who were familiar with military routine, and without whom we should have to start from scratch. How the Revolution Armed Vol. That job would fall to the working class in power. Isaac Deutscher (Polish: Izaak Deutscher; 3 April 1907 – 19 August 1967) was a Polish Marxist writer, journalist and political activist who moved to the United Kingdom before the outbreak of World War II.He is best known as a biographer of Leon The first attempt to unite the work of the Party cells in the army was made at the end of March 1906, when a conference of the ‘military organizations’ was convened in Moscow. The fight against Dutov, the ataman of the Orenburg Cossack Host, was carried on with persistence all through 1918, in the southern part of the country beyond the Volga and in the Urals. 9. But now political power is in the hands of that same working class from whose ranks the Army is recruited. The Germans recognised the independence of the Ukraine, and the Rada supplied them with a substantial quantity of foodstuffs. Many of them, to be sure, betrayed us, going over to the enemy or taking part in revolts; but, in the main, their spirit of class resistance was broken. If the Ukrainian Rada was and still is temporarily victorious over the Soviet power in the Ukraine, this fact is due exclusively to the help given it by the mighty machine of German militarism. Comrades! These leaders of guerrilla units are fighting each other, blaming each other, and are often in conflict not so much with the Germans as with the local population. 10. All the fundamental, leading institutions of the Army are now so constructed that they consist of one military specialist and two political commissars. But it must, at the same time, extract from this apparatus all the valuable skilled elements which are technically needed by it, must set them in their appropriate places, and must bring these elements under pressure from its proletarian class might. None of that is possessed by the working class, it has it all to acquire. Buy How The Revolution Armed: Military Writings and speeches of Leon Trotsky set of 5 volume by Leon Trotsky (ISBN: 9780861510030) from Amazon's Book Store. The counter-revolution entrenched itself in the backward borderlands, and tried, pressing inward from there, to squeeze us into the central area round Moscow. This is the whole essence of the matter, and this we need to understand. The revolution must, in conformity with its whole nature, give up for good and all not only positional warfare but also the centralized army. We Communists cannot look upon the question of the October Revolution from this subjective point of view. They relied upon the peasant army numbering many millions. At that moment (August 1918) the Soviet Republic put forth extraordinary efforts to develop and strengthen its Army. 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